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Were the General and JVP involved in a
coup conspiracy ?
- by D B S Jeyaraj
(12.02.2010 - 21:59 SLT - Daily Mirror, SL)
A striking facet of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s intriguing personality is the
candour he displays in some media interviews. Instead of bluffing,
sidestepping or trying to wriggle out of answering tricky questions the
Defence secretary responds directly and fields them in a frank,
forthright manner.
This characteristic was very much evident in the telephonic interview
given by the Presidential sibling on Wednesday Feb 10th evening to Ravi
Velloor of the Singapore–based “Straits Times” barely 48 hours after the
controversial arrest and detention of ex-Army commander and defeated
Presidential election candidate General Sarath Fonseka.
Given the furore surrounding the arrest one may have expected the
Defence secretary to be a little evasive or “diplomatic” in commenting
about the retired four –star general but Gotabhaya –true to form – was
bluntly open and pulled no punches in answering.
When Velloor raised the issue of Govt fears that Fonseka was conspiring
to lead a coup attempt Gotabhaya did not mince his words in replying.
This is what he said -
“He was planning on a military rule. It was very clear in the latter
stages, in the way he had spoken and addressed the people. He said he
wouldn't allow the politicians to rob the military of the victory they
had achieved and offer a political solution.
He was completely trying to isolate the politics and take the country on
a different path. In his very last stages as army commander, he began
bringing his people into Colombo and his regiment, positioning his
senior regiment people all over.
All these things were looking like a military coup. He also took a keen
interest in changing the previous navy commander (who was not well
inclined towards him).
Whatever the merits or otherwise of the Defence secretary’s response, it
certainly seemed to have impressed the newspaper concerned as the
highlight of the interview. So much so that the heading given to the
feature was “He was definitely planning a Coup.”
Coup d’etat
The defence secretary’s bold assertion that his former comrade at arms
was planning a coup d’etat is perhaps the crucial factor governing the
conduct of this Government towards the former Army commander and ex -
Chief of Defence staff.Rightly or wrongly the Rajapaksa regime has been
entertaining suspicion and fear for a long time that Sarath Fonseka was
plotting a coup against it. This paranoia or reasonable caution,
depending on how one perceives it, explains much of the government’s
rationale in dealing with the Fonseka phenomenon before and after the
Presidential elections.
It appears that the Govt. is in possession of some information about the
possibility of a coup engineered by Sarath Fonseka. Of course the
ex-army chief has strongly denied such an allegation but nevertheless
the regime has gone ahead and arrested Fonseka in a crude display of
power.
Apart from detaining Fonseka the Government is also conducting a
multi-level investigation into what it sees as a coup d’etat in the
making. This includes not only probes into the conduct of serving and
ex–military personnel but also that of the pseudo-marxist Janatha
Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP).
It remains to be seen as to whether these investigations would uncover
genuine evidence about a coup being planned or not. However the powers
that beseem convinced that there really was a plot and are determined to
identify and charge the culprits.
On the other hand, there is much doubt about this coup conspiracy
theory. Many see it as a total fabrication aimed at stifling the chief
Presidential contender and his political allies. The real conspiracy
they say is not the alleged coup conspiracy but that of the ruling
regime planning to penalize Sarath Fonseka through false accusations.
Before his arrest, Sarath Fonseka had vehemently denied that he was
plotting a coup. Had he wanted to capture power while in office as Army
chief it would have been a simple matter to send a few battalions down
to Colombo and take over the Government, he pointed out.
Later when the Cinnamon Lakeside Hotel was besieged amidst charges of a
coup d’etat being planned there, the General again dismissed them saying
that nobody would try and stage a coup from that Hotel. Besides, Fonseka
said that his wife and daughters were with him there. After his arrest,
Mrs. Fonseka has also emphatically denied that a coup was ever planned
at that Hotel.
Conspiracy
These denials notwithstanding the Government is firmly of the opinion
that a coup with wide –ranging implications had been planned and that
the JVP too was linked to the conspiracy. Despite charges of political
vendetta being levelled against it, the Govt has thought it fit to go
ahead and arrest the chief Presidential challenger.
Against that backdrop the situation seems to be that of the Govt
procuring enough evidence through interrogation and investigation to
construct an effective case against Sarath Fonseka over a coup d’etat
conspiracy. It also appears that the Govt will resort to both a court
–martial by a military tribunal as well as an indictment under the penal
code in a civil court.
At this point of time, the state is yet to garner sufficient evidence
warranting speedy action against Sarath Fonseka and his alleged cohorts
in a coup conspiracy. But informed sources revealed that much progress
has been made in pursuing a line of inquiry into an alleged coup d’etat
conspiracy. These sources seemed confident that a valid indictment and
trial would materialize very soon.
One does not know at this juncture whether the state would be able to
prove charges about a coup conspiracy against Sarath Fonseka or not.
However there seems little doubt that such an attempt would definitely
be made. In fact it may be the pivotal issue in any legal action
contemplated.
Fear or suspicion about a military coup was at the heart of
deteriorating relations between the Rajapaksa brothers and Fonseka. The
gradual erosion of confidence has reached this sorry state of affairs
today.
A brief examination of the recent past concerning the coup conspiracy
factor would be of relevance in understanding the current course of
events.
Even as the war spearheaded by Sarath Fonseka was raging against the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE) the President and his siblings
got worried about Sarath Fonseka carving up a little empire of his own
within the military establishment.
The unorthodox scheme of promotions implemented by Fonseka enabled
seniority and experience being overlooked in favour of merit and
performance. In the process several positions in the captain to Colonel
ranks were filled by persons regarded as Sarath’s favourites . Many of
Fonseka’s cronies were also appointed gradually to key posts and
strategically important positions.
Suspicion
The situation was further aggravated by Fonseka making two “excessive”
demands. One was that the Army’s strength should be raised to 400,000
and he be made a Field Marshall. The other was that at least one
battalion should be stationed or deployed in every town in Sri Lanka
from Paruthithurai (Point Pedro) in the North to Devinuwara (Dondra) in
the South.Both these requests aroused suspicion amidst the Rajapaksa
fraternity. It was further compounded by Fonseka’s elaborate plans to
set up “cantonment townships” housing soldier families in various parts
of the Country with particular emphasis on the North and East. He also
had plans of independent economic projects capable of generating
sustainable funds for maintaining these townships.
What Fonseka’s motives were in making these demands is not known but
they were viewed with suspicion as they had the potential of
militarizing society on a massive scale. Besides the scheme if
implemented would place troops and families loyal to Fonseka throughout
the length and breadth of the Country. In short a configuration of
territorially non-contiguous pro-Fonseka units would be established.
Being an adroit politician Mahinda Rajapaksae did not veto Fonseka’s
proposals when the war was on as he did not want to alienate the astute
general but when the army triumphed over the Tigers the Machiavelli of
Medamulana began moving deftly.
When Fonseka reiterated his twin demands in the wake of military victory
the commander was given a rude shock. Both demands were turned down.
Furthermore President Rajapaksa informed him very correctly that there
was no need of a huge army in post-war Sri Lanka and that gradual
downsizing would soon be underway.
Infuriated
This infuriated Fonseka who indicated his displeasure. Thereafter the
army chief started making derogatory remarks about the President and the
Defence secretary. He also commenced talking of becoming the president
through elections or any means. Fonseka also effected changes within the
officer echelons and moved his loyalists to Colombo and key positions.
Perturbed by this trend the President and Defence secretary struck
swiftly and in July last year removed Fonseka as Army chief and
appointed him as Chief of Defence staff. On this occasion too the
President was to emphasize that there was no need for a big army and
once again referred to the Burma (Myanmar) example.
This rankled so much that when Fonseka quit his post in November 2009 he
specifically referred to it in his publicized resignation letter.
Here is the excerpt -
.”Your Excellency, you too made a statement at the very first security
council soon after the 18th of May 09 when the battled was declared
over, to the extent that "a strong public opinion is in the making to
say that the Country is in possession of a too powerful army, which will
lead Sri Lanka to another State like that of Myanmar". It was surprising
to hear such a comment from Your Excellency in spite of your repeated
praise and boast of the war victory brought about by the same Army. I
personally felt that Your Excellency has commenced mistrusting your own
loyal Army which attained the unimaginable victory just a week ago. You
again repeated the same statement even after I handed over the command.
Over these comments I felt disgusted as these comments indirectly
insulted those who made the supreme sacrifice during the war victory.”
After Fonseka was kicked upstairs as Chief of Defence Staff, Jagath
Jayasuriya who ranked no. 9 in seniority was made Army commander.
Thereafter a number of internal appointments, transfers and changes were
made within the military structure. Many of the Fonseka loyalists were
moved out to non–strategic positions. The Fonseka effect was being
steadily reversed. This too irritated Sarath who mentioned it in his
resignation letter. Here is the excerpt –
“The present Army Commander immediately on assuming duties commenced
transferring senior officers who immensely contributed to the war effort
during my command tenure including those junior officers working with my
wife at the Seva Vanitha Army Branch which was involved in looking after
the welfare of the troops, was clearly to challenge the loyalty of
officers and most discouraging to the officer corps of the Army, with a
wrong signal being transmitted on my authority.”
Cold war
These contentious issues were indicators of the ongoing cold war between
the Rajapaksas and Fonseka. The Ambalangoda Lion’s mane was being
clipped to prevent him retaining a power base within the army. The
objective was to pre-empt a possible coup d’etat by Fonseka with the
help of his loyalists in the Army.The simmering tension came out in the
open after Fonseka quit the service and threw his beret into the
Presidential stakes arena. The facade of civility was torn down as the
race gathered momentum.
Though Fonseka was backed by a motley crew of political parties , the
presidential aspirant relied greatly on the Triple “A” factor. His core
supporters and elections staff were from his ancestral village
Ambalangoda, his Alma mater Ananda College and the service arm to which
he devoted 40 years of his life –the Army.
Of these three namely Ambalangoda, Ananda and Army , it was the Army
that Fonseka relied most on. This was natural as his entire adult life
was intet-twined with the Army. Besides after decades of being within
the military milieu it was easier for him to interact with those of a
military background than civilians. For one thing they followed orders
without question.
There was also the need for security. The war against the LTTE had been
fought conventionally and unconventionally. Terror had been met with
counter –terror. From disappearances to deaths from abductions to
assassinations various stratagems had been adopted. In such a situation
Fonseka had no illusions about what he was up against. He feared
assassination and assembled his own bunch of security personnel.
Thus many persons with a military background were made welcome in the
Fonseka elections camp. Several retired army men from those of
Major-general rank to lowly privates gravitated towards Fonseka.
Expatriate Retired Army officers from the USA to Australia came down to
Sri Lanka to help General Fonseka. Several Army deserters also joined in
and were accepted. Also some serving soldiers simply vacated posts and
teamed up with Fonseka. This too was encouraged.
Fonseka demonstrated his disregard for military discipline by
encouraging desertions and accepting deserters into his campaign folds.
He set the wrong precedent right at the start of his campaign when his
earlier security contingent was reduced. Fifteen of the original detail
were from the military intelligence. Most of these men did not report
duty when recalled but opted to stay on with the General who to his
discredit encouraged it. Fonseka also refused to return some of the Army
vehicles allocated to him earlier.
Violation
This flagrant violation of military norms and etiquette by a senior
ex-army commander set the wrong precedent. Since the election campaign
was on, the Army hierarchy was constrained from taking drastic action as
it would have been portrayed in a negative light. So the defence top
brass silently stomached these grave breaches of discipline.
Adding to Army woes was the support retained by Fonseka in the service.
An intelligence assessment in late December/early January estimated it
at 75 -80 per cent in the rank and file and around 40 per cent among
officers. Aggravating the situation further was the blatant partisanship
showed by several serving officers towards Fonseka.
The ex–army chief continued to be in touch with former colleagues and
subordinates. Politicisation of the military had reached peak levels and
the Army as an institution was getting divided horizontally and
vertically.
What troubled the Govt further was the nature and number of the
“unofficial” security personnel converging around the “Swan.” The
numbers were far in excess of what was actually required for bona fide
security purposes.
Most of them were deserters and seemed well – armed. Some retired
officers were in charge. Some ex–army officers were scouring the country
inviting ex-army men to come and join the general’s team An illegal
“Militia”- in – formation was perceptible.
There was also much communication between Fonseka camp activists and
those serving in the Army. This contact was both on the officer and
ranker levels. This too was a cause for concern.
Complicating matters further was the JVP factor. In a bid to encourage
and expand recruitment during the war the Rajapaksa regime had allowed
an unprecedented extent of politicization of the military. Both the JVP
and Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) had been allowed direct interaction with
the military to boost morale. They were also allowed to actively promote
recruitment.
As a result both the JVP and JHU retained a level of political influence
within the Armed services. The JHU support was more among the officers
while the JVP had tremendous clout among rank and file. The JHU
hierarchy supported Rajapaksa in the hustings but the JVP was
fragmented.
The JVP break-away faction now known as National Freedom Front(NFF)led
by Weerawansa supported the President but the mainstream JVP under
Somwansa and Tilvin Silva opted for the General.
A very big worry for the Govt was the JVP –Fonseka relationship. It was
only after the Rajapakse – Fonseka rift came out in the open that the
Govt became aware of the close links between Fonseka and the JVP.
It was alleged that Fonseka while being Army chief had fraternised
regularly and clandestinely with the crimson comrades. It was also
revealed that Fonseka was in direct touch with JVP secretary Tilvin
Silva during the time he was in the USA last year and had been
“guided”greatly by the latter in the State dept affair.
While all these developments caused concern the govt was unable to
pursue these matters diligently and take effective action as the polls
campaign was on. There was some information that committees were being
set up in each electoral division to coordinate and implement propaganda
for the Swan. These committees comprised mainly JVP cadres and
ex-military personnel. The ostensible goal was electioneering but there
was suspicion about a hidden agenda.
The Defence secretary and Army commander countered this evolving problem
by a series of internal transfers and postings. Suspected pro-Fonseka
elements were sidelined to inconsequential positions while staunch
Rajapaksa loyalists and anti – Fonseka officers were placed in
strategically important and influential posts.
Also Fonseka’s parent regiment “Sinha” was relieved of key duties while
the parent regiments of The Defence secretary (Gajaba) and Army chief
(Armoured corps) were assigned important functions.
Contributing to this climate of hate was the loose talk and braggadocio
of Sarath Fonseka. Increasingly confident of victory the General began
firing off like a loose cannon.
He warned that military officers supporting Rajapaksa would be court
–martialled. He warned govt officials that they would be sent straight
to Welikada and Bogambara.
Dire consequences for the Rajapaksa brothers were also threatened by the
Fonseka camp. Mahinda was to be imprisoned for nepotism. Gotabhaya was
to be executed at Galle face by a firing squad for abuse of power. Basil
was to be hanged for corruption.
The Rajapaksa’s also got reliable information from moles within the
Fonseka camp about how the General had described in “graphic detail”
what he would do to the Girwapattu clan when he became President.
Other Fonseka minions spoke of punishment to be meted out to Rajapaksa
supporters and of lists of names being prepared. An atmosphere of fear
and mistrust was setting in. As election day drew close the paranoia of
both sides about mala fide motives of each other increased.
Cocksure
The Fonseka camp was cocksure about victory. What it feared was a
rear-guard action by Rajapaksa supporters to deny them their rightful
victory. Ironical as it may seem the Fonseka camp feared a military coup
by the Defence secretary and Service commanders to prop up the incumbent
President and prevent the General from assuming Presidential office.
On the other hand, the Rajapaksa camp feared trouble on two counts. If
Rajapaksa won the defeated candidate could foment violence on a
widespread scale and bring about chaos and anarchy. If Rajapaksa lost
the winners could unleash mayhem and vindictive violence against the
President , family members, associates and supporters.
Both sides also suspected an international dimension. The Fonseka camp
was suspicious about India, Pakistan and China of bolstering Rajapaksa.
The Rajapaksa camp suspected the Western nations of conspiring to
install Fonseka in a position of authority.
It was against this backdrop that the National Security council met on
Friday January 22nd. Various issues were discussed chief among which was
a possible coup d’etat by the Fonseka fraternity.
Some pre-emptive and/or counter measures were proposed and approved.
These included a plan to encircle the home and office of Fonseka in the
event of violence erupting. This was to both protect Fonseka as well as
prevent possible violence.
As part of the scheme to ensure maintenance of security in Colombo,
suburbs and key outstation areas five elite Special Force battalions
were transported quietly and stationed in Colombo 7, Seeduwa, Kuruwita,
Panadura and Embilipitiya. Also several Armoured Personnel carriers were
brought down.
Unfortunately for the Govt there was an informant present. An officer
assigned to assist the service chiefs leaked the plans to Fonseka. As a
result the media supportive of Fonseka came out with “scoops” about
these developments.
Consequence
A negative consequence was that Fonseka got extremely suspicious about a
plot to kill or arrest him thereby preventing him take over as elected
executive president. In fact the entire opposition supporting Fonseka
got jittery about their security.
They were sure of victory and equally sure that the Rajapaksas would not
relinquish power easily. Hence they feared some violence and what is
more came out openly about an alleged “coup” being plotted by the Govt
to retain power even after electoral defeat.
The Fonseka “mole” who tipped the opposition off was later identified
and removed from his position. As an added precaution a retired Major
–General has also been removed from his duties. This officer working as
defence adviser to a key ministry enjoyed “observer” status on the
security council and sat in on most meetings.
Misreading perhaps the defensive measures being proposed ,Sarath Fonseka
came up with one of his own to counter what he deemed to be a sinister
design of the defence ministry. Fearing some election night violence, he
booked for himself a block of rooms at both the Taj Samudra and Cinnamon
Lakeside hotels. Apparently the Tajs Samudra booking was a dummy move to
confuse the enemy.
On election night (26th) Fonseka, family members, key opposition
figures, security personnel, office aides etc moved into Cinnamon
Lakeside where 70 rooms had been booked. The hotel was formerly the
Trans Asia Hotel. In a previous avatar it was the Ramada Renaissance
hotel.
As a precaution Fonseka’s men in association with the Hotel’s security
manager (an ex–army major) de-activated the security cameras to prevent
any visual record of their movement. Several computers and laptops were
also moved.
Headquarters
The morale was high as Fonseka thought he was the winner. After moving
in to the Hotel the General was so happy about the environment that he
told his associates “this is going to be my headquarters”!
Events however were overtaking. The Govt always paranoid about a coup
had been alerted to such a possibility by two incidents.
A batch of 25 ex – commandos (all deserters) had been arrested in
Gokarella in the Kurunegala district. They said they were waiting for a
retired colonel to show up and issue instructions to them. They were all
arrested.
In Vavuniya a large group of election workers attached to Fonseka’s
campaign were stopped. They were led by a JVP Parliamentarian. In the
group were 70 retired military men. After prolonged inquiry the JVP
cadres were released. Later the retired military personnel were also
released.
Both incidents however set off alarm bells. Adding to this was the
mysterious manoeuvre of the Fonseka camp in moving en masse into
Lakeside hotel.
Now it was time for counter–propaganda.
The state media began regaling the nation about a coup being plotted by
Fonseka and 400 armed deserters at the Hotel. It was also alleged that
an assassination plot to kill the President and his siblings was being
hatched in the Hotel.
The Defence establishment’s counter–offensive was now launched.
In a pre-dawn operation, a contingent of troops and commandos surrounded
the Lakeside Cinnamon hotel. People were allowed to move in and out
though some were checked. It was in a way a pre-emptive strike to
curtail Fonseka’s movement.
There was widespread panic in the ranks of the Fonseka camp. If the idea
was to shock and awe , it had succeeded. Fonseka seemed visibly shaken
while his daughters sent out frantic SOS type appeals via SMS.
There was consternation but no sign of Fonseka supporters taking to the
streets. The naked display of military power in the heart of Colombo
cowed the opposition into silence. So much so that even when the highly
disputed election results were announced there was hardly any public
protest.
For some hours there was much worry in the Fonseka camp that the General
would be taken into custody. Fonseka himself feared execution. But with
international pressure bearing down the tense situation thawed. Besides
the point had been driven home as to who was the boss.
The Military personnel who had violated discipline and tied up with
Fonseka were asked to surrender. After wrangling they did so. They were
made to kneel down on the road and humiliated. Other Fonseka loyalists
slipped out gradually. Finally the General himself was allowed to drive
out to his residence on Queens road.
Counter-offensive
But the “counter-offensive” was not over. Fonseka’s election office on
Rajakeeya Mawatte was raided. Six retired army officers and nine
soldiers working as Fonseka’s elections staff were arrested. All the
computers in the office were seized.
Now it was time for a massive operation to uncover more details about an
alleged coup conspiracy.
A crackdown amounting to a witch-hunt was on. Section 39 of Army
Regulations act of 1992 was invoked by the Army chief to send five
Majors-General, five brigadiers, One colonel, one Lt.Colonel and two
captains on compulsory retirement with effect from Feb 1st.. This was
the largest ever group of officers to be dealt with in this way. All of
them are regarded as Fonseka loyalists.The officers are –
Major General Jammika Liyanage, he was Commandant of the Army Volunteer
Force; Major General Rajitha de Silva who was attached to the Office of
the Chief of Defence Staff (OCDS); Major General Jayanath Perera. He was
re-called from the National Defence Academy in China where he was
following a course; Major General Samantha Sooriyabandara. He was one
time Defence Attache at the Sri Lanka Embassy in Washington D.C. He was
last serving at the Security Force Headquarters, Jaffna; Major General
Mahesh Senanayake. He was attached to Army Headquarters; Brigadier Bimal
Dias. He was attached to Security Force Headquarters, Mullaitivu;
Brigadier Duminda Keppetiwalana. He was Commandant of the Army Combat
Training School, Ampara; Brigadier Janaka Mohotti. He was Logistics
Co-ordinator of Army's 22 Division; Brigadier Athula Hennedige. He was
Commander of the 221 Brigade; Brigadier Wasantha Kumarapperuma. He was
Commander, 553 Brigade; Colonel Tilak Ubeywardena. He was attached to
the Military Police;Lt.Colonel L.J.M.C.P. Jayasundera of the Vijayaba
Infantry Regiment (VIR), Captain R.M.R. Ranaweera of the Vijayaba
Infantry Regiment (VIR), Captain B. Krishantha of the Sri Lanka National
Guard (SLNG).
Brigadier Kepetiwalana was then arrested for questioning into the murder
of “Sunday Leader” editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. A retired Major –
General Upali Edirisinghe was also arrested for questioning about
complicity in an alleged coup conspiracy. Some other retired officers
including a few who had come down from abroad were also taken into
custody. One retired Major – general has gone missing. Another retired
colonel wanted for questioning has resorted to legal remedy.
There has also been widespread arrests of army deserters suspected of
being enlisted by Fonseka in the unofficial militia. Apart from this
many serving soldiers are being detained and interrogated about
suspected links to the Fonseka camp.
The General at a press conference alleged that over 400 serving military
personnel are being held. Those detained in this respect are housed at
the Vavuniya Technical College army camp at Nelukkulam, the Anuradhapura
Air Force base and the Naval bases at Trincomalee and Colombo.
A journalist regarded as a close confidante of Fonseka has also been
arrested. He is suspected to be the source who informed Fonseka of the
white flag surrender incident. Three other journalists have gone missing
to evade arrest. They were all close to Fonseka. This is separate from
the Prageeth Eknaligoda case.
The Govt suspects that a militia of about 1500 deserters and serving
military men was being mobilised by Fonseka. The massive crackdown has
virtually decimated the campaign staff of Fonseka.
On Monday Feb 8th, Fonseka revealed that all the former military
officers associated with him were arrested except for his media
secretary Senaka de Silva. That night Fonseka himself was arrested by
the Military Police for further inquiry into alleged military offences
including a conspiracy (coup) against the commander in chief (President)
Senaka de Silva was also arrested and handed over to the Police.
Bolsheviks
The JVP seems to be the next target. The Editor of the pro-JVP paper
“Lanka Irida” is already in custody. Somawansa Amerasinghe has said that
six detention facilities are being prepared for incarceration of a large
number of JVP members.
His former colleague Weerawansa has gone public about the Sarath
Fonseka-Tilvin Silva connection and is urging an inquiry. Cabinet
minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa has referred to alleged JVP
involvement in a coup by setting up “Bolshevik committees.”
Though Yapa did not elaborate further it would seem that he was
referring to the “military revolutionary committees ” under the
“Soviets” during the October revolution of Russia. The notable ones were
in Moscow and Petrograd (St.Petersburg).
They came into being in the last stages of the Provisional Government.
When orders were given on behalf of Kerensky that all military personnel
of the garrison units should be moved to the front (world war 1) there
was widespread mutiny. The bulk of soldiers from the garrison units
revolted against the provisional government .
The Bolsheviks were then in the majority within the Soviet and passed a
resolution drafted by Leon Trotsky that called for the establishment of
a revolutionary military command or centre. Thereafter the Bolsheviks
sent commissars to the revolting military garrisons and set up military
revolutionary committees in each garrison unit. Thus the committees
gained the loyalty of the garrisons and exerted control of the military
as opposed to the “lawful” provisional government.
According to Czech historian Michael Reiman, the setting up of Military
revolutionary committees could be considered the true beginning of the
“October Revolution”- "Already on October 21 and 22 the Military
Revolutionary Committee, in effect, took upon itself authority over the
garrison. Its actions, from both a practical and a juridical standpoint,
would be considered by any nation a clear case of mutiny and
insurrection.”
Justice
In that context Priyadarshana Yapa’s revelation that Bolshevik
committees were to be set up is indeed relevant if proven true. It
appears that the Government suspects Sarath Fonseka’s coup conspiracy
involved the fomenting of revolt within the army and setting up Military
revolutionary committees with the aid of the JVP.
However far-fetched the possibility may seem the Government is well
within its rights to investigate the matter thoroughly and discover the
truth.
If there has really been a conspiracy involving Sarath Fonseka, serving
army officers, ex – military personnel, deserters and sections of the
JVP to stage a military coup and capture state power through gun barrels
then those found guilty should certainly be meted out punitive justice.
But the Government should go the extra mile in ensuring that due process
is followed in probing the alleged conspiracy. Already the ways and
means adopted in the investigation have caused serious doubts whether
due process is being followed.
More importantly if the Govt opines that the “conspiracy theory” is
valid then it must charge all those allegedly involved in a civil court
under the Penal code with open access to the media and public during
trial proceedings.
Otherwise it would smack of a vendetta trial by a Kangaroo court.
The Govt must firmly adhere to the principles of natural justice. It
must also remember that Justice should not only be done but also should
appear to have been done. (ENDS)
( D B S Jeyaraj can be reached at
djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com )
= CONCLUDED =
.
++++++++++++++++++++
Release Gen. Fonseka just as Karuna &
Pilleyan were released using executive powers – Mahanayakas tell
President
(13.02.2010 19:20 SLT - Lanka Truth)
The Mahanayakas of the three Chapters have asked the President to free
Gen. Sarath Fonseka of all accusations against him, release him and
provide necessary security using his executive powers just as the
President had used it to release Karuna Amman and Pilleyan who hasd
massacred Bhikkus at Aranthalawa and carried out a bomb attack on the
Temple of the Tooth. This request has been made to President Mahinda
Rajapkse in a letter written with the signatures of Mahanayake of
Malwatta Chapter Most Ven Thibbotuwawe Sri Sumangala Thera, Mahanayake
of Asgiriya Chapter Most Ven. Udugama Sri Buddharakkhita Thera,
Mahanayake of Amarapura Chapter Most Ven. Dawuldeniye Gnanissara Thera
and Mahanayake of Ramagnna Chapter Most Ven. Weveldeniye Medhalankara
Thera.
In their letter the Mahanayakas further state even in the past the Maha
Sangha came forward for the settlement of any crises, dissention and
conflict between the ruler and the ruled. This has been confirmed in the
chronicles too the prelates point out. It is this tradition that has
prompted them to address the President in order to calm down the crisis
that has emerged in the country they state in their letter to the
President.
They have asked the President to follow Lord Buddhas teaching that
‘hatred would not end hatred’ and give up the differences and the
conflict with the former Commander of SL Army Gen. Fonseka who carried
out the task of eradicating terrorism from the Motherland. The Prelates
in their letter reminds the President, that he, using his executive
powers, has taken to the government’s fold and presented ministerial
posts and other privileges to Karuna Amman (Karuna) and Pilleyan,
considered as fierce terrorists who had assassinated Bhikkus, attacked
the Temple of the Tooth, Sri Maha Bodhiya, murdered a large number of
members of security forces and civilians and was engaged in a process of
dividing the country. Hence, the President should use his executive
powers to release all those who have been arrested, including Gen.
Fonseka, who have risked their lives to protect sovereignty, territorial
integrity of the Motherland and security of the masses state the
Mahanayakas in their letter.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++
Buddhist Prelates summon emergency
conference to discuss country’s dangerous trends linked to Democracy and
lawless administration
(13.02.2010 11:55 AM SLT - Lanka-e-News)
Given the present dangerous signals to Democracy and the ominous trends
emerging from bad governance in the country, the Buddhist Prelates along
with the Maha Sangha have decided to summon a historical conference on
the 18th inviting all members of the Sangha and the Buddhist Prelates in
the country with a view to securing the safety of the people and
country.
This conference will be held at the Kandy Headquarters on the 18th Feb.
at 3.00 p.m.
Arrangements are being made to dispatch invitation letters to all
Temples in the Island today.
The text of the invitation letter is as follows :
Historical Maha Sangha conference at Kandy Headquarters 0n 2010-02- 18
at 3.00 p.m.
Most Ven. the Maha Sangha,
We believe that you, the venerable selves would by now be aware that a
dire situation has arisen in the country owing to the perils posed to
Democracy and good governance in the country. It is our conviction that
this is a dangerous trend afflicting the country’s future.
Keeping silent in the light of these trends and dangers is not a duty of
ours. All of you venerable selves will accept that the Buddhist clergy
from historical times through peaceful struggle has spearheaded the
campaigns for the benefit of the country. But now, all what we stood for
are in great peril and are being viciously challenged in the recent
past.
Taking into account the present unstable situation in the country and
all these deadly trends and dangers faced by the people as a whole, it
has been decided that with a view to restoring Democracy and good
governance in a peaceful and harmonious climate, all Buddhist Prelates,
the Maha Sangha and the entire clergy across the whole Island meet on
the 18th of February at 3.00 p.m. at the Kandy Headquarters accepting
this invitation. We request you to please keep this date free and attend
this conference which is of immense importance in the best interests of
all.
Yours sincerely,
Ven. Malwatte chapter Maha Nayake Thibbotuwawe Sri Sumangala Thero
Ven. Asgiriya chapter Maha Nayke Labugama Sri Buddharikitha Thero
Ven. Amarapura Nikaye Maha Nayake Davuldene Medalankara Thero
Ven. Ramanya Nikaye Maha Nayake Weveldeniye Medalankara Thero
Ven Malwatte Mahanayake Thero commenting on this letter said, we have
now given notice and we are also prepared to take action.
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